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John Calvin:

The Man and His Doctrine

 

Table Of Contents

 

 

Introduction

Anyone with even a cursory knowledge of theology must be impressed with the impact made upon the theological landscape by John Calvin and his doctrine--Calvinism. The time of the reformation was an age of historical giants. Names like Luther, Zwingli, Melanchthon, and Leo the Tenth are well known to every student of church history. Yet, as well known as all these names are, only John (Jean) Calvin was so forceful and influential with his teaching and writing that the theological basis of reformed theology came to bear his name.

Probably no system of theology has had more impact on modern theology than Calvinism. It's effects are so pervasive that if his system is correct, he must be viewed as one of the greatest blessings to Christianity this side of the apostolic church. If, however, the system is fatally flawed, it presents a serious obstacle to proper exegesis and exposition of scripture and evangelism.

The Problem

The primary consideration that under girds all of the problems which follow is the question: Where did Calvin's system come from? If it came from a proper exegesis of scripture, then we, as Christians are bound to honor it. But, if it arose from any other source, it must be rejected.

If Calvinism is flawed, the problems created by it are enormous. Calvinism's TULIP has had a detrimental effect on many important doctrines. For example, Calvinism's concept of total hereditary depravity is a major reason that many mainline protestants believe in the practice of infant sprinkling.

Perhaps the most serious problem created by Calvinism has to do with the subject of initial salvation of the alien sinner. A distinguishing characteristic of restoration theology is its insistence that baptism is for the remission of sins. If Calvinism is true, baptism cannot be for the remission of sins. It would be impossible for a person who was born totally depraved to understand a command like "Why are you waiting, arise and be baptized and wash away your sins . . ." (Acts 22:16).

Calvinism also presents a problem with the doctrine of continuing salvation of the Christian who sins. If man is born totally depraved, then he/she cannot respond to the Gospel. If Calvin is right on this point, then the rest of the Calvinistic acrostic logically follows. And, if the rest of the acrostic is true, then the subject of continuing salvation of the Christian is moot to the Christian. He cannot sin a sin that would jeopardize his salvation.

In spite of Calvinistic denials, such a doctrine has fatalistic implications. The Christian's destiny is predestined. So, why worry about it, if there is nothing the child of God can do to affect it?

Thus we see that every facet of the Christian life from beginning to end is impacted by this doctrine. How does one become a Christian? How should the believer reach out to the unbeliever? How can the Christian be assured of his salvation? Who is responsible for the presence of sin? The Bible student's understanding of, and response to all of these questions will be effected by his/her view of Calvinism.

The Plan Of Study

In an effort to deal with the problems set forth in the introduction, we will first give a brief biographical sketch of the life of John Calvin. We will next search for forces that may have influenced the development of Calvin's doctrine and subsequent influence. Finally, we will give a brief critique of the Calvinistic TULIP. We must caution the reader that, because of space limitations we will limit our analysis of the TULIP to the subject of total hereditary depravity. If we can determine that the doctrine of total hereditary depravity is false, the rest of the system falls, and there is no need to proceed further.

Discussion

Calvin's Early Life

"John Calvin, or Jean Cauvin, was born on July 10, 1509, in Noyon in Picardy as the son of a lay diocesan official" (Kurt Aland, 1986, p. 175). Most biographical sketches of Calvin fail to mention that his father was a lawyer (Meyer, 1969, p. 170). His father was responsible for administering the finances and property of the Catholic diocese at Noyon, France. It appears that he became disillusioned with what he saw of the inner workings of the diocese.

Bratt (1964) believes that Calvin's father (Gerard Calvin) was, "ambitious, industrious, and somewhat materialistic. By dint of hard work he had raised himself . . . to a 'white collar' job" (p. 9). Gerard had obtained the positions of: notary to the chapter of the cathedral, registrar to the city government, solicitor in the ecclesiastical court, and fiscal agent of the county" (Bratt, p. 9). It appears that Gerard became disillusioned with the corruption of the church and died under a lesser excommunication.

According to Theodore Beza, "His father had at first intended him for the study of Theology, to which he inferred that he was naturally inclined; because even at a young age, he was remarkably religious" (Beveridge & Bonnet, 1983, p xxii).

Calvin arrived in Paris in 1523, to study liberal arts. While Calvin was studying in Paris, his father insisted that he change his course of study from Theology to law and move to Orleans where the largest law school of it day was located. He earned a Doctor of Laws degree in 1533 (McNeill, 1955, p. 102).

Conversion

Little is known of Calvin's conversion. McNeill (1954) writes, "If he had been as self-revealing as Bunyan or Wesley, Calvin would have made this chapter easier to write. By a few helpful notes he could have prevented a wasteful flow of ink from the pens of modern scholars" (p. 107). Calvin was of a quiet and retiring nature and was very uncomfortable with the frequent request that he rehearse his conversion (Hesselink, 1965, p. 65). According to Bratt (1964), "Only two references to his conversion occur in his works: one in his Reply to Sadoleto (1539). . . and the other in his Commentary on the Psalms (1557)" (p. 12).

Calvin's most complete explanation of his conversion is the one found in the preface to his commentary of the Psalms. It is little wonder that this would be the place Calvin discussed his conversion. He considered the life of David to be, in many respects, a mirror of his own (Hasler, 1965, p. 7).

Calvin writes:

Since I was more stubbornly addicted to the superstitions of the Papacy than to be easily drawn out of that so deep mire, by a sudden conversion, He subdued my heart (too hardened for my age) to docility. Thus, having acquired some taste of true piety, I burned with such great zeal to go forward that although I did not desist from other studies I yet pursued them more indifferently, nor had a year gone by when all who were desirous of this purer doctrine thronged to me, novice and beginner that I was, in order to learn (McNeill, 1954 p. 108).

It is not possible to date this conversion experience precisely. The two dates most frequently mentioned are 1528 and 1533. The 1528 date is very unlikely. This date comes from the work of Beza and was often repeated. However there is no evidence for such a conversion at the age of nineteen. It is more likely that forces he was encountering in 1528 were laying the foundation for the internal struggle that would lead to his experience in 1533.

November 1, 1533, Calvin's friend Nicholas Cop gave an address in celebration of All Saints' Day at the university of Paris. Calvin is commonly believed to have written the sermon. The sermon raised such a controversy that Calvin and his friend had to flee Paris (Newman, 1931, p. 204).

After Conversion

"In 1534, Calvin renounced his ecclesiastical benefices, a clear indication that Calvin's conversion to the Reformation is to be placed in 1533, not 1528" (Aland, 1986, p. 177). The die was cast and Calvin was now clearly in the camp of the reformers.

He first journeyed to Strassburg. Shortly afterwards (1535) he went to Basel where he lived under an assumed name (Walker, 1972, p. 127). There he wrote the first edition of his famous Institutes of the Christian Religion. According to Aland (1986), it appeared in 1536 and "made him famous in one stroke" (p. 177).

Calvin was only 26 when he wrote the Institutes. The first edition was a small volume designed so that reformers could carry it for daily study without being noticed. According to Maddox (1961), it was the most systematic compendium of religious beliefs produced by the Reformation movement" (p. 258).

Calvin soon journeyed to Geneva where Guillaume Farel convinced him that God's providence had sent him there and that to leave would be to fight against God. Calvin wanted to travel on to Strassburg for the retiring life of a scholar. But, according to Fisher (1945), Farel charged that Calvin,

might put forward his studies as a pretext, but that the curse of God would light on him if he refused to engage in his work. Calvin was terror-stricken at these words spoken with the fervor of a prophet.. . . Such a summons he dared not obey. His work [in Geneva] began immediately (p. 324).

Calvin remained in Geneva for two years. Eventually he and Farel became enmeshed in a bitter power struggle with the civil government that lead to their banishment on April 23, 1538 (Bainton, 1964, p. 142) (Handy, 1985, p. 476). Calvin traveled to Strassburg where he spent three of the happiest years of his life as the Pastor of the church of French refugees (Bouwsma, 1989, p. 70).

In 1541, the party that had banished Calvin from Geneva was overthrown and Calvin was convinced (with some difficulty) to return to Geneva on his own terms. Things were different this time. Calvin exercised enormous control over the daily lives of Genevans. He organized an effective spy system and demanded "complete conformity to his program" (Mattox, 1961, p. 259).

At this point, Calvin's career as a reformer took a tragic turn--a turn which history has witnessed in all too many cases. The reformer who had pleaded for individual freedom to follow the Bible now became intolerant of those who disagreed with him. Calvin believed that it was the responsibility of the church to discipline its members with punishment up to excommunication. He believed that civil government was appointed by God to protect and nurture the church and punish offenders whose crimes demanded punishment more severe than excommunication (Walker, 1972, p. 475). "From 1542 to 1546 there were fifty-seven executions and seventy-six banishments from the city of Geneva because of heresy" (Mattox, 1961, p. 259).

The only title ever worn by Calvin in Geneva was, that of one of the ministers of the city. The years of 1548 to 1555 were years of sharp conflict. While he was becoming ever more popular throughout Europe, many in Geneva resented the power Calvin was exercising. By 1555 he had complete control of the City because his new immigrant disciples began to outnumber his opponents among the older residents of the city and many of the ring leaders of the opposition were executed or banished.

Calvin was to spend the remainder of his life in Geneva. In 1559 he established the Genevan Academy. It became the world renowned University of Geneva. It was destined to become, "the greatest center of theological instruction in the Reformed communions, as distinguished from the Lutheran, and the great seminary from which hundreds of ministers were sent forth" throughout Europe and the British Isles (Walker, 1972, p. 480).

A number of forces caused Calvin's influence to be so wide-spread. Primary among them were the Institutes, his academy, his commentaries, and his voluminous correspondence.

Sources of Influence

Calvin's doctrines did not develop in a vacuum. Numerous influences combined with Calvin's own unique talents and character to help forge the system of theology known as Calvinism. Some unabashed Calvinists would lead us to believe that Calvin's doctrine is merely the result of precise exegesis. But even a casual perusal of Calvin's treatment of the eighteenth chapter of Ezekiel would dispel any such claim. His own commentary on chapter eighteen (examined at the following Link ) an exegetical schizophrenia of surprising proportions.

Perhaps the earliest influence on Calvin's doctrine came from his father. Although we can only speculate, it would seem logical that the knowledge Calvin's father had of the inner workings and corruption of the Catholic church at Noyon (which probably resulted in his excommunication) must have at least opened Calvin's mind to the possible need for reformation of the Catholic church. We must hasten to point out that there is no evidence of such influence, but it is a reasonable possibility.

Another strong influence on Calvin would have been his firm belief in the inspiration and inerrancy of the Bible. Some historical revisionism is currently underway by some modern writers to suggest Calvin did not really believe that the autographs were inerrant. Roger Nicole (1982) responded to such charges that, throughout Calvin's writings, " direct statements abound to the effect that God is the author of Holy Writ, that the sacred writers were penmen or mouths of God, that God dictated the Scriptures to them and that the authority of the Bible is grounded in the reality of its divine authorship" (p.425).

The time spent in Paris by Calvin would have exposed him to reformed thinking. Paris was a hot-bed of Lutheran thought. McGrath (1990) writes,

During 1523, the faculty of theology had been obliged to meet 101 times, far in excess of the thirty or so meetings usually held. The cause for the additional meetings was a distant and largely unknown figure--Martin Luther--whose ideas threatened the city, university and church by storm. Lutheranism did indeed come to dominate the affairs of both city and university, making it difficult for any informed person within the city to avoid at least some familiarity with its ideas. As contemporary witnesses make abundantly clear, the works of Martin Luther found a substantial and enthusiastic readership within the intellectual elite of Paris as early as 1519 (pp. 48-49).

Such a situation would seem to suggest that Martin Luther's writings had at least some influence on Calvin during his early stay in Paris. His subsequent stay in Orleans would have also brought contact with Lutheranism and reformed thought. While in Orleans Calvin had studied Greek under Melchior Wolmar who was, "committed to the Reformation" (Handy, Norris & Walker, 1985, p. 472).

We have no way of knowing when Calvin accepted Luther's doctrine, but there can be little doubt about its influence on him. With the exception of Augustine, Luther undoubtably had more influence on Calvin than any other person. McNeill (154) informs us that, "While writing the Seneca Commentary Calvin lived in the house of a cloth merchant, Etionne de la Forge, a devout Waldensian from Peidmont. This man was an ardent reader of Luther and a fearless propagandist of Protestantism" (p. 109). It is little wonder that Meyer (1969) writes, "In many respects Calvin can and must be regarded as Luther's disciple" (p. 174).

More evidence of Luther's influence can be detected in the Institutes themselves. In 1965, John Hesselink gave a studied analysis of the development and purpose of Calvin's Institutes. He observes that "It covered the traditional catechetical themes: the Law, the Apostles' Creed, the Lord's Supper and the Sacraments of Baptism and the Lord's Supper in the same order as Luther's Catechisms" (p. 68).

It is generally accepted that the most dynamic influence on Calvin was the writings of Augustine. He quoted Augustine more than all the other fathers combined (Lane,1981, p. 159). Calvin claimed to be merely restating Augustine (Sharp, 1980, p. 84). Calvin quotes Augustine more than he does any other author. In fact 2,000 of his quotations from Augustine are not even found in any extant Augustinian sources (Payne, 1982, p. 2). It would appear that Calvin knew even more of Augustine than we do today.

Another major source for Calvin's theology was possibly Boneventure. Payne (1982) compares the views of Boneventure and Calvin on the subjects of the theology of wisdom, the book of nature, the book of the soul, the book of scripture, sin--its consequences and remedy, faith and its certitude, and the centrality of Christ. Payne (1982) makes a convincing argument for the thesis that Calvin was influenced by Boneventure.

Clearly, the medieval writer who most impressed Calvin was Bernard of Clairvaux. Reid (1978) claims that, "both Luther and Calvin regarded him (Bernard) as a forerunner of their own movement" (p. 128). Augustine had been, perhaps the most powerful source (in the area of systematic theology) in the church from his time well into the middle ages.

However, there were inconsistencies and complexities in Augustine that led Peter Lombard and Peter Abailard to modify and change some of the church's Augustinian thinking in favor of more rationalistic Aristotelian principles. In reaction to these forces Bernard did much to revive and establish Augustinian tradition.

It would appear that Bernard's influence on Calvin increased as Calvin grew older. Reid (1978) points out:

Calvin in one edition will quote Augustine to support his views and in the next edition he adds a long quotation from Bernard. Most of the additions from Bernard seem to have been made in the definitive edition of 1559 when the Institutes reached their final form as a full exposition of Christian doctrine (P. 130).

When one traces the sources of Calvinism, one must remember that, "Calvin was not an innovator or a restorationist. On the basis of his quotations alone he can be proven to have distinguished between the Catholic Church and the church of Trent" (Payne, 1982, p. 2). He was an heir and follower of Augustine through many forerunners, including some of the men we have discussed in this paper.

The Doctrine

The Calvinistic TULIP is rooted and grounded in Augustine's teaching. Calvin systematized, codified, and popularized Augustinianism for modern man. Calvin then went further. Although Calvin insisted that he was merely restating Augustine, he actually went much farther the his mentor in many areas. The root of Calvinism is the concept of Total Depravity. Moody (1988) states,

Since the time of Augustine, Western theology, both Catholic and Protestant, has been troubled by the belief that the human race is so depraved as a result of Adam's sin, that even infants without baptism are guilty and deprived of the blessing of heaven. Augustine coined the term limbo as the eternal abode of unbaptized infants (p. 288).

It can be inferred from this statement that Moody (1988) believes that the doctrine of total hereditary depravity originated with Augustine and not the Bible.

In fact we do not have to infer from Moody's writings that he does not believe in inherited depravity. He clearly states that, "the French Jesuit Henri Rondet traced the history of the error from Augustine to the present" (p. 289). Moody says that Stanislas Lyonnet, another French Jesuit who also challenged this error, was suspended and then reinstated by the Catholic church. Upon his reinstatement, a symposium was convened to deal with the "mystery" of inherited sin, but to date it has not succeeded.

Augustine argued for inherited sin from Psalms 51:5, but Moody (1988) correctly points out that, "the text has nothing whatsoever to say about the damnation of the Psalmist because of Adam's sin" (p. 289). Ezekiel 18 and Jeremiah 31 make it clear that the Old Testament did not teach the inheritance of the sins of the fathers. Moody points out that in Psalms 51, David is recognizing his sin (Psalms 51:1,2,3,4), not inherited guilt.

Augustine's primary Pauline passage for this doctrine was Romans 5:12. In fact Moody claims this passage is the only basis for inherited guilt in Paul's writings. In a crushing blow to Calvinism, Moody points out that Augustine was only able to support his doctrine of inherited Adamic guilt by using a false translation of the passage. "The original Greek says that death passed upon all men 'because all have sinned (eph'hoi pantes hemarton),' but Augustine used a Latin text that substituted in quo (in whom) for 'eph' hoi' (for, because, on the condition that)" (Moody, 1988, p. 289).

Calvin taught that we are born inheriting the sin of Adam. This inherited sin causes us to be totally depraved, corrupt, proud, rebellious, and overtly disobedient to God. To Calvin, depravity led to "a blatant perversity which is always actively producing the works of the flesh" (Sharp, 1980, p. 85).

Lest we be accused of misrepresentation, we produce (with apology for its length) the following passage from John Calvin (1949).

Let us define original sin [it is] . . . hereditary pravity and corruption of our nature, diffused through all the parts of the soul, rendering us obnoxious to the Divine wrath, and producing in us those works which the Scripture call 'works of the flesh.' . . . Nevertheless we derive from him [Adam] not only the punishment, but also the pollution to which the punishment is justly due. . . .And therefore infants themselves as they bring their condemnation into the world with them, are rendered obnoxious to punishment by their own sinfulness, not the sinfulness of another. For though they have not yet produced the fruits of their iniquity, yet they have the seed of it within them; even their whole nature is as it were a seed of sin, and therefore cannot but be odious and abominable to God.. . . For our nature is not only destitute of all good, but is so fertile in all evils that it cannot remain inactive.. . . everything in man, the understanding and will, the soul and body, is polluted and engrossed by this concupiscence; or, to express it more briefly, that man is of himself nothing else but concupiscence. (pp. 274-275).

Is this what the Bible teaches? If Calvin is right, then the rest of his TULIP logically follows. Note -- Calvin did not invent the Tulip acrostic. But, if his foundation is false then the acrostic falls to the ground. It is this author's contention that a consistent model of exegesis cannot sustain the doctrine of depravity. This contention can be at least partially demonstrated by Calvin's own words.

In Calvin's Commentaries on the Prophet Ezekiel (Vol. 2) (1948) an examination of his comments on Ezekiel 18 reveals an exegesis that is contradictory and inconsistent. Consider the following excerpts (I have used bold type to emphasize the contradictory nature of the statements concerning inherited guilt and personal guilt in the quotation).

By these allegorical words [18:2] they wished to free themselves from blame, as if God was unjustly charging the wickedness of their fathers against them. . . .When, therefore, God pronounces that all souls are his own, he does not merely claim sovereignty and power, but he rather shows that he is affected with fatherly love towards the whole human race . . . Since therefore Adam, by his fall, brought destruction upon us, it follows that we perish through the fault of another. . . God is a just God and treats every one according to his conduct. . . But he more clearly refuted the proverb, that the sons should suffer for their fathers' sins. He says that each when he comes before God's tribunal should be judged by his works. . . . it is said with truth that we perish through another's fault: but it is added at the same time, that every one perishes through his own iniquity. . . . Thus, the son properly speaking shall not die through the iniquity of his father, but is considered guilty before God through his own fault (pp. 217, 240-242). Return to link

Much of the religious world probably has no idea that the theological basis for Calvinism rests on such sandy soil as the theological double-speak found in the previous reference.

What does the Bible say about inherited sin? William H. Brownlee (1986) gives a clear explanation of the passage that is consistent with good hermeneutical principals and cognizant of the historical setting. He points out that:

From the direction and goal of the whole discourse it appears that the old proverb 'if fathers eat sour grapes, the teeth of sons will grate' had been used by the people to argue that repentance would be useless in averting the disaster that Jeremiah and Ezekiel were predicting. God's sovereignty over every soul and his compassion for every person declares 'NO! Do repent and live' (p. 281-282).

The people were trying to use the concept of inherited guilt as an excuse not to repent. According to Brownlee (1986), the remainder of the chapter is a, "lengthy disputation" (p. 282) against this concept. The Israelites had rightly understood that if guilt is inherited then there is no justice and hence, no reason to think about repenting. Brownlee (1986) comments

'Only the person who sins is condemned to die' states a principle of jurisprudence instituted by King Amaziah of Judah (2 kgs 14:5-6) and prescribed by Deut 24:16. Literally, this reads: 'Behold the soul that sins, it shall die.' 'Shall die' is legal terminology of a pronouncement of the death penalty (p. 283).

Notice Yahweh's response to those who are blaming their conduct on sin inherited from their fathers. He begins by informing them that as surely as he lives, this proverb will no longer be used. why? Because children are not born children of the Devil. They proceed from God: "Behold, all souls are Mine; the soul of the father as well as the soul of the son is Mine; the soul who sins shall die" (Ezekiel 18:4). From this it is evident that all souls come from God (Acts 17:28) and so have equal responsibility to repent. The writer makes it clear that the son will be responsible only for his own deeds.

Conclusion

We close with F. W. Mattox's (1961) appraisal of John Calvin.

 

It should be kept in mind that he [Calvin] was the product of his age and understanding the hardships and handicaps under which he labored, we should be charitable in our judgment of him and grateful that he did make a contribution in bringing to light many of the errors that had come to being through the Catholic church. He made great steps forward, and it is through the efforts of such men as Luther, Zwingli and Calvin that we today can make forward steps toward a fuller understanding of the truth of Scripture (p. 260).

Surely no one can deny that Calvin possessed one of the greatest minds in history. Although his TULIP was fallacious, he did much to free man from many aspects of Roman theology and its power. He dethroned the pope and enthroned a Sovereign God and his word in the hearts of millions.

Just as the Israelites of Ezekiel's time could not blame their sins on their fathers, we must be careful to accept full responsibility for our own theology. It will not do for us to allow Calvin or any other teacher to think for us. For, we will each be called to task for the deeds done in our own bodies (2 Cor. 5:10).

References

Aland, Kurt. (1986). A history of christianity (vol. 2) (James L. Schaaf, trans.). Philadelphia, PA: Fortress Press.

Bainton, Roland. (1964). The Penquin history of Christianity (Vol. 2). Watferd, Herts, UK: Taylor Garnett Evans & co. Ltd.

Beveridge, Henry, & Jules Bonnet. (Eds., & Trans.). (1983). Selected works of John Calvin (Vol 1). Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books.

Bouwsma, William J. (1989). Explaining John Calvin, Wilson Quarterly, 13, 68-75.

Bratt, John. (1964). The rise and development of Calvinism: A concise history. Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.

Brownlee, William, H. (1986). Word biblical Commentary (Vol. 28). Waco, TX: Word Books.

Calvin, John. (1948). Commentaries on the prophet Ezekiel (Vol. 2) (Thomas Myers, Trans.). Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.

Calvin, John. (1949). Institutes of the christian religion (Vol. 1) (John Allen, Trans.). Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.

Fisher, George Park. (1945). History of the Christian church. New York, NY: Charles Scribner's Sons.

Handy, Robert T., Lotz, David W., Norris, Richard A., & Walker, Williston. (1985). A history of the christian church. New York, NY: Charles Scribner's Sons.

Hasler, Richard A. (1965). The influence of David and the Psalms upon John Calvin's life and thought, The Hartford Quarterly, Newyears 7-18.

Hesselink, I. J. (1965). Development and purpose of calvin's Institutes. The Reformed Theological Review, 24(3), 65-73.

Holy Bible. New King James Version. (1985). Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson Publishers.

Lane, Anthony S. (1981) Calvin's use of the fathers and the medievals. Calvin theological journal, 16, 149-205 1981.

Mattox, F. W. (1961). The Eternal kingdom: A history of the church of Christ. Delight, AK: Gospel Light Publishing, Company.

McGrath, Alister E. (1990) A life of John Calvin: A study in the shaping of Western culture. Cambridge, MA: Basil Blackwell Ltd.

McNeill, John Thomas (1954). The history and character of Calvinism. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.

Meyer, Carl S. (1969). The church from pentecost to present. Chicago, IL: Moody Press.

Moody, Dale. (1981). The Word of truth. Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.

Muller, Richard A. (1979). The Foundation of Calvin's theology: Scripture as revealing God's word. Duke Divinity Review, 44, 14-23.

Newman, Albert H. (1957). A manual of church history. Philadelphia, PA: The American Baptist Publication Society.

Nicole, Roger. (1982). John Calvin and inerrancy. Journal of evangelical theological society, 25, 425-442.

Payne, Gordon R. (1982). Augustinianism in Calvin and Bonaventure. Westminster Theological Journal, 44, 1-30.

Reid W Stanford. (1978). Bernard of Clairvaux in the thought of John Calvin. Westminster Theological Journal, 41, 127-145.

Sharp, Larry D. (1980). The doctrines of grace in Calvin and Augustine. Evangelical Quarterly, 52, 84-96.

Walker, Williston. (1972). John Calvin: The organizer of reformed protestantism 1509-1564. New York, NY: AMS Press Inc.

Wendel, Franðcois. (1987) Calvin : origins and development of his religious thought / translated by Philip Mairet. Edition : 1st Labyrinth Press ed. Publisher : Durham, N.C. : Labyrinth Press,. Description : 383 p. ; 23 cm. Notes : Translated from the French. : Reprint. Originally published: New York : Harper and Row, 1963. : Includes index. : Bibliography: p. 363-374.

 

© David E. Parks 1998

Last revised Friday, March 30, 2007 12:04 PM

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